Predicate Raising and Perception Verb Complements in Malagasy Abstract Malagasy clauses have a bipartite structure, consisting of a predicate phrase followed by a topic-like

Malagasy clauses have a bipartite structure, consisting of a predicate phrase followed by a topic-like constituent called the trigger, specifying the argument of predication. Normally the predicate phrase precedes the trigger. Opinions differ as to whether predicate-initial order is base-generated or derived through predicate raising. Here I argue in favor of predicate raising, based on evidence from clausal complements in sentences denoting direct perception of an event. These complements resemble matrix clauses, but exhibit an order where the trigger precedes the predicate phrase. I show that these complements are clauses (rather than DPs, VPs, or non-constituents), and that they are large enough to constitute the local binding domain for their trigger. I also present evidence that the trigger in perception verb complements has not undergone fronting. It follows that the word order difference between perception verb complements and predicate-initial clauses reflects a difference in the surface position of the predicate phrase. I propose that predicate raising in unmarked clauses is an effect of the need to check a [T(ense)] feature in the left periphery, and that [T] feature checking is absent in clauses (such as perception verb complements) which denote events rather than propositions.